A wise man once said,
“Corrupt politicians make the other ten percent look bad.”
Perhaps this was
said at least partly in jest, but it is certainly true that corruption lurks in
the shadows from the bottom to the very top of politics in many countries all
over the world. Portugal ’s
reputation in this regard is far from the worst, but it is still appalling.
Abuse of power
for private gain has long been suspected not only within parliament and local
administrations, but also the judiciary, the police, the military, state
agencies and nationalised and private businesses. Many if not most culprits get
away with it of course.
Transparency
International, which calls itself the leading civil society organisation
fighting corruption worldwide, will launch its 2014 Corruption Perceptions
Index on December 3. Portugal
is likely to drop a peg or two from its position of 15th in the 28 EU countries
and 33rd in the world.
Transparency
International has been monitoring citizens’ perceptions annually for the past
20 years. Keeping scores like this is a helpful guide, but it doesn’t profess
to tell anything like the whole story because corruption is such a crafty, behind
closed doors and under-the-table activity.
According to this
year’s anti-corruption report produced by the European Commission, 90% of the
Portuguese population think corruption is widespread in this country. The
average among EU member states is bad enough at 76%.
The same report
reveals that more than 70% of those within companies who responded to the EC survey believe that corruption is a problem when doing business in Portugal .
Asked if they
considered patronage and nepotism to be a problem for their company when doing
business, the ‘yes’ figure was again about 70%. The great majority rated the ‘problems’
in doing business in Portugal
as ‘serious’ or ‘very serious.’
Plenty of people
also think the medical and health system is ‘corrupt’ or ‘extremely
corrupt’ and that backhanders and kickbacks are sometimes involved in awarding
public tenders, or the issuing of permits and licences for building works or safety
and sanitary arrangements.
Trying to keep control
on corruption in Portugal
starts with the national anti-corruption unit of the Polícia Judiciária (UNCC).
The investigation of misconduct and abuse of power committed by holders of
political office is but one of UNCC’s responsibilities.
The prevention,
detection and investigation of all kinds of embezzlement, influence peddling,
fraud and forgery is up to the UNCC. Big job. Although the unit is said to be
under-resourced, the arrest of former prime minister José Sócrates and the unearthing
of the Golden Visa scandal suggests that investigators have been working at
full throttle.
How these new corruption
cases are handled – and if and when they eventually reach trial - will be
watched meticulously by the media, bearing in mind that the judicial system itself
is perceived by many to be very corrupt. The statute of limitation for
corruption offences is 15 years, which is just as well because court processes
are often woefully slow.
Front-page news
coverage of the Sócrates and Golden Visa cases came hard on the heels of sensational
allegations against FIFA officials awarding the staging of the 2022 World Cup
to Qatar, violent outrage over government corruption in Mexico and shenanigans in China
that have resulted in more than 13,000 officials being found guilty of
corruption and bribery in the first nine months of this year alone.
So what’s new? Over
the years, leaders of all stripes - dictators and pillars of democracy alike - have
been unable to resist the temptation to abuse their power for personal gain.
Among the worst in
modern history was the president of Zaire from 1965 to 1997, Mobutu
Sese Seko. He embezzled somewhere between $5 billion and $15 billion. In
addition to chartering supersonic Concorde aircraft for shopping trips to
Paris, Mobutu and his family, together with an army of bodyguards, used to
enjoy visits to his holiday mansion in the Algarve .
The wise man who
said, “Corrupt politicians make the other ten percent look bad” was Henry
Kissinger, national security adviser and then secretary of state to Richard
Nixon who presided over arguably one of the most corrupt administrations in the
history of the United States .
The American author
John Steinbeck was of the opinion that “power does not corrupt. Fear
corrupts…perhaps the fear of a loss of power.”
Mobutu feared
being toppled by a military coup and being thrown out of his homeland, which is
what happened.
Richard Nixon’s
undoing was his desperate cover-up manoeuvring, fuelled by fear of being
exposed by his many political enemies for the 1972 Watergate break-in.
While José
Sócrates has little else in common with these two mega-rogues, he must have
known that with the worsening of the economic crisis in 2011 an ignominious
fall from power was inevitable.
Perhaps the moral
of the story lies with a saying attributed to the former Socialist prime
minister’s namesake, the classical Greek philosopher Socrates: “He is richest
who is content with the least...”